The former Massachusetts governor Burberry men t-shirts, cheap burberry t-shirts for men 2012 outlet became the first non-incumbent Republican to ever win the Iowa caucuses and then the Granite State primary, the first two contests in the primary and caucus calendar.
New Hampshire is Romney country. He owns a home there and has spent lots of time in the Granite State over the past six years campaigning for himself and for fellow Republicans.
He was expected to win big. So, did he beat expectations?
Romney finished with around 38% of the vote, the same as what Sen. John McCain captured when he beat Romney to win the primary here in 2008. Romney finished around 15 points ahead Rep. Ron Paul of Texas, who came in second. Solid but not spectacular numbers.
Second place can be just as good as first
How do you top a strong third-place finish in Iowa? By finishing an ever stronger second a week later in New Hampshire.
Thanks in part to an outpouring of independent voters, Rep. Ron Paul of Texas captured the silver medal in the Granite State, which he calls a win.
"I called Gov. Romney a short while ago before he gave his talk and congratulated him because he had a clear-cut victory, but we are nibbling at his heels," Paul said in his speech Tuesday night, adding that, "there was another victory tonight. He had a victory, but we have had a victory for the cause of liberty."
Exit polls indicate Paul scored big among younger voters, first-time voters, and held his own against Romney among independents. (What do the exit polls say?)
Paul may not perform as well in South Carolina and Florida, the next two states to hold contests. But thanks to showing in Iowa and placing in New Hampshire, the libertarian-leaning Paul can keep his "revolution" alive for months to come.
Tim Pawlenty on Romney's competition cheap burberry ties Ron Paul campaign chair on 2nd place Paul: We're nibbling at Romney's heels Huntsman: Third place is ticket to ride
Third's enough for Huntsman
He didn't win the gold or silver, but it seems a bronze medal is good enough for Jon Huntsman to fight another day.
"I'd say third-place is a ticket to ride," Huntsman told supporters Tuesday night, adding at the end of this speech, "Here we go to South Carolina."
The former Utah governor and ambassador to China placed all his chips on New Hampshire, skipping campaigning in Iowa, the state that kicked off the presidential primary and caucus calendar, to concentrate just about all of his time on the Granite State.
Exit polls of people who voted in the primary indicate that Huntsman performed well with independent voters, grabbing nearly a quarter of their vote. He also came out on top among the small percentage of Republicans who say they're not supporters of the Tea Party movement. Those factors may have helped him in fiercely independent New Hampshire, but it won't give him a boost in South Carolina, which has a much more conservative Republican electorate.
Huntsman got his "ticket to ride" to move on to South Carolina, but its not clear how much longer his ride will last.
...in a blaze of glory
He was hoping for third but finished fourth. Now he's hoping to make a stand in South Carolina.
Newt Gingrich turned off the niceness that he had avowed — and runs against his political history — after the blistering attacks from super PACs that support Romney toppled him from front-runner to also-ran in a couple of weeks.
But Gingrich's new line of attack — condemning Romney's history at private equity firm Bain Capital — has turned a key part of his own party, including one-time ally Rush Limbaugh who compared Gingrich to Occupy Wall Street, against the former House speaker.
Tracking the New Hampshire ballot Gergen: Romney's N.H. speech memorable Gingrich: Let me be your spokesperson
Attacks on capitalism is a dubious strategy in Republican primaries, but Gingrich appears to be intent on doing as much damage to the front-runner as he can, no matter the cost.
A super PAC supporting Gingrich plans to launch a video on Wednesday called "When Mitt Romney Came to Town," which portrays Romney as Bain chief as a heartless cheap burberry corporate raider who maximized profits at the expense of workers.
2012年1月11日星期三
2012年1月8日星期日
In a newly-released report on business ethics
In a newly-released report on business ethics, the Ethics Resource Center reports that while misconduct has declined, when it does occur the costs to those who report it are increasing. Retaliation against whistleblowers has risen from 12% in 2007, to 22% in 2011, with the greatest increase in retaliation against those who reported sexual harassment or substance abuse cheap burberry.
Yet we love to romanticize the whistleblower, finding inspiration in their courage and tenacity when we encounter them from the safety of our homes or theaters. But rarely does that admiration extend to the worker beside us, regardless of our labor values.
On screen, the whistleblower will find once loyal friends disappear, their marriage will become strained, and unmistakable retaliation will commence -- usually on par with a telephoned threat to the lives of the children, a dead pet, or something thrown through the window (a rock with a scary note attached, a Molotov cocktail perhaps). The whistleblower is shaken, expresses a momentary desire to turn back, but is then provoked to an even greater determination to bring the truth the light of day. In these films, the hero prevails, whatever dirty deed they revealed is cleaned up and any victims are rewarded, while a shop floor of now joyous co-workers or a camera-studded crowd outside the steps of the courthouse cheers for the brave and victorious whistleblower who comes out smiling.
Sadly, real life follows a different script. In an organization characterized by ethical leadership, when misconduct is reported, it is addressed, swiftly and often informally. Yet in organizations in which leadership is unstable or changing, acts in secrecy, and limits opportunities for advancement (leading those who achieve such positions to be more determined to hang on to them), the potential for retaliation is greater.
"There's nothing management hates more than the corporate office looking into a problem with one employee," writes Phil Porter in Eat or Be Eaten: Jungle Warfare for the Corporate Master Politician, "When they do, the employee is added to the "kill-at-all-cost" list. Every member of management will conspire to snag him, even if it takes a while burberry bags outlet."
But because rocks are seldom thrown through windows, lives are hardly ever threatened, and co-workers rarely apologize, proving such retaliation is difficult. And perversely, the more severe and blatant the retaliation, the more likely perception will be swayed that it is justified. This is because we like to think that we are immune to such things happening to ourselves -- we are more comfortable believing it would only happen to someone who did something to bring it on.
As a result, in organizations where managers do retaliate, the retribution is likely to rapidly evolve into workplace "mobbing." Even the most humane and caring of workers can be easily swept into a momentum of aggression through gossip, rumors, fear, and opportunism. When this happens, going after the vindictive management that initiated the retaliation may seemingly make sense, but ultimately prove futile as more and more of the workforce joins in viewing the whistleblower as the problem, and not the management.
From the perspective of the whistleblower, however, the problem they present is not their personal problem, as much as it is a problem of the organization. But authoritarian leaders do not view it the same way -- having to address a problem is the problem, and the one who brought the problem to light is the one who is likely to be targeted. In such cultures, the whistleblower will find themselves very much alone. Burberry accessories - warm socks, fashion earrings, cheap keychains outlet.
Yet we love to romanticize the whistleblower, finding inspiration in their courage and tenacity when we encounter them from the safety of our homes or theaters. But rarely does that admiration extend to the worker beside us, regardless of our labor values.
On screen, the whistleblower will find once loyal friends disappear, their marriage will become strained, and unmistakable retaliation will commence -- usually on par with a telephoned threat to the lives of the children, a dead pet, or something thrown through the window (a rock with a scary note attached, a Molotov cocktail perhaps). The whistleblower is shaken, expresses a momentary desire to turn back, but is then provoked to an even greater determination to bring the truth the light of day. In these films, the hero prevails, whatever dirty deed they revealed is cleaned up and any victims are rewarded, while a shop floor of now joyous co-workers or a camera-studded crowd outside the steps of the courthouse cheers for the brave and victorious whistleblower who comes out smiling.
Sadly, real life follows a different script. In an organization characterized by ethical leadership, when misconduct is reported, it is addressed, swiftly and often informally. Yet in organizations in which leadership is unstable or changing, acts in secrecy, and limits opportunities for advancement (leading those who achieve such positions to be more determined to hang on to them), the potential for retaliation is greater.
"There's nothing management hates more than the corporate office looking into a problem with one employee," writes Phil Porter in Eat or Be Eaten: Jungle Warfare for the Corporate Master Politician, "When they do, the employee is added to the "kill-at-all-cost" list. Every member of management will conspire to snag him, even if it takes a while burberry bags outlet."
But because rocks are seldom thrown through windows, lives are hardly ever threatened, and co-workers rarely apologize, proving such retaliation is difficult. And perversely, the more severe and blatant the retaliation, the more likely perception will be swayed that it is justified. This is because we like to think that we are immune to such things happening to ourselves -- we are more comfortable believing it would only happen to someone who did something to bring it on.
As a result, in organizations where managers do retaliate, the retribution is likely to rapidly evolve into workplace "mobbing." Even the most humane and caring of workers can be easily swept into a momentum of aggression through gossip, rumors, fear, and opportunism. When this happens, going after the vindictive management that initiated the retaliation may seemingly make sense, but ultimately prove futile as more and more of the workforce joins in viewing the whistleblower as the problem, and not the management.
From the perspective of the whistleblower, however, the problem they present is not their personal problem, as much as it is a problem of the organization. But authoritarian leaders do not view it the same way -- having to address a problem is the problem, and the one who brought the problem to light is the one who is likely to be targeted. In such cultures, the whistleblower will find themselves very much alone. Burberry accessories - warm socks, fashion earrings, cheap keychains outlet.
2012年1月3日星期二
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2012年1月2日星期一
It was the ennobling intention of Kim Jong
Issued little more than two weeks after Kim Jong Il's Dec. 17 death and just a few days after a mourning period ended, the 5,700-word message was another sign that the North Korean regime isn't planning to change its authoritarian system now that he's gone cheap burberry.
As in the past, the message was filled with exhortations to many sectors of society and the economy to work harder, do more and "staunchly defend the revolutionary heritage" shaped by Kim Jong Il and, before him, his father Kim Il Sung.
But the influence of two elements specific to the moment was also visible throughout the text. The first was Kim Jong Il's death and the second was the need to reach goals that were set for the country's celebration in April of the 100-year anniversary of the birth of Kim Il Sung, the country's founder and "eternal president."
"It was the ennobling intention of Kim Jong Il to celebrate the centenary of the birth of President Kim Il Sung as the most auspicious and significant event, which would solemnly declare the victory in the Songun-based great upsurge," the message said cheap moncler.
Songun is the word North Korea uses to describe its policy, translated outside the country as "military first," that puts the military's needs at the center of most investment and economic decisions.
The North Korean regime several years ago began touting 2012 and the Kim Il Sung birth centennial as the target for becoming a "strong and prosperous nation."
As part of that effort, last year's New Year's message described 2011 as "a year of general offensive, when a radical turn should be brought about in the building of a thriving nation by kindling more fiercely the flames of great upsurge in improving the people's standard of living."
In the same spot of this year's announcement – the overall message follows a template that has shown little change over the years – it said 2012 is the year "when Kim Jong Il's plan will bear a brilliant fruit, and the year of a grand march, when a new century of Kim Il Sung's Korea begins."
In the place that usually carries a direct quote from the dictator himself, however, there was nothing.
The message only mentioned South Korea directly once and carried the same language it has in the past about the North's desire to reunify the Korean peninsula under its leadership. On Friday, North Korea issued a harshly-worded message vowing not to work with South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, who it considers a "traitor to the nation" for placing conditions on the South's economic assistance to the North.
The message contained 36 mentions of Kim Jong Il, 19 of Kim Il Sung and 15 of the new leader Kim Jong Eun. By comparison, the 2011 message had 10 mentions of Kim Jong Il, 13 of Kim Il Sung and none of Kim Jong Eun.
The heavy emphasis on the Kim family is a sign of the regime's need to convince North Koreans to accept another generational transfer of dictatorial power. Kim Jong Eun is just 27 or 28 years old, much younger than his father was when he took control, a situation that would be difficult in any circumstance but made more so by the rigid adherence to seniority-based hierarchies in both Korean moncler jackets.
As in the past, the message was filled with exhortations to many sectors of society and the economy to work harder, do more and "staunchly defend the revolutionary heritage" shaped by Kim Jong Il and, before him, his father Kim Il Sung.
But the influence of two elements specific to the moment was also visible throughout the text. The first was Kim Jong Il's death and the second was the need to reach goals that were set for the country's celebration in April of the 100-year anniversary of the birth of Kim Il Sung, the country's founder and "eternal president."
"It was the ennobling intention of Kim Jong Il to celebrate the centenary of the birth of President Kim Il Sung as the most auspicious and significant event, which would solemnly declare the victory in the Songun-based great upsurge," the message said cheap moncler.
Songun is the word North Korea uses to describe its policy, translated outside the country as "military first," that puts the military's needs at the center of most investment and economic decisions.
The North Korean regime several years ago began touting 2012 and the Kim Il Sung birth centennial as the target for becoming a "strong and prosperous nation."
As part of that effort, last year's New Year's message described 2011 as "a year of general offensive, when a radical turn should be brought about in the building of a thriving nation by kindling more fiercely the flames of great upsurge in improving the people's standard of living."
In the same spot of this year's announcement – the overall message follows a template that has shown little change over the years – it said 2012 is the year "when Kim Jong Il's plan will bear a brilliant fruit, and the year of a grand march, when a new century of Kim Il Sung's Korea begins."
In the place that usually carries a direct quote from the dictator himself, however, there was nothing.
The message only mentioned South Korea directly once and carried the same language it has in the past about the North's desire to reunify the Korean peninsula under its leadership. On Friday, North Korea issued a harshly-worded message vowing not to work with South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, who it considers a "traitor to the nation" for placing conditions on the South's economic assistance to the North.
The message contained 36 mentions of Kim Jong Il, 19 of Kim Il Sung and 15 of the new leader Kim Jong Eun. By comparison, the 2011 message had 10 mentions of Kim Jong Il, 13 of Kim Il Sung and none of Kim Jong Eun.
The heavy emphasis on the Kim family is a sign of the regime's need to convince North Koreans to accept another generational transfer of dictatorial power. Kim Jong Eun is just 27 or 28 years old, much younger than his father was when he took control, a situation that would be difficult in any circumstance but made more so by the rigid adherence to seniority-based hierarchies in both Korean moncler jackets.
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